Paviel Sieviaryniec: Lukashenka has taken hostages at every front

The dictator expects that the arrest of priest Lazar will make Vatican open Europe for the Belarusian regime.

Such an opinion was shared by a political prisoner Paviel Sieviaryniec, as he commented on priest Lazar’s having been charged with state treason.

“Church in general is a foreign force and threat for the current regime. We know very well the price of those charges that are fabricated in KGB jail and we believe neither the investigation nor the processes in the spirit of Stalin times. I would remind that over five thousand people have already signed the demand to release the arrested priest Lazar”, - the politician noted.

He believes that the Lukashenka regime has understood that neither oil, nor gas, nor even potassium is the most profitable kind of goods, but people.

“You may take political prisoners and believers hostages. You may take Uralkali’s head hostage. But in the case with Baumgartner the authorities even name the price and openly bargain. The same, in my view, is going on with the rest, but in a more concealed manner. On the matter of political prisoners they speak with Europe, on the priest - with Vatican. Apart from being the largest Christian church, Vatican is also diplomacy, influence and the possibility to act all around the world. I do not rule out that the current regime shows or demands from Vatican that it would work in the European direction. To put it differently, that it would open Europe for the regime. I think Lukashenka still has such hopes left from the time that he visited the Pope. Since the Catholic Church is not following the way of opening doors for the dictator, the regime takes a hostage in response”, - the political prisoner is convinced.

He highlighted that the policy of terror is the base of the current regime.

“I also recollect the recent case of Viachaslau Sheleh, who had his daughter kidnapped. These methods cannot be qualified as anything else but terrorism. As a rule, authorities are compelled to negotiate with terrorists. But purposeful concessions to terrorists are considered a weakness. Now the Kremlin, that has brought Lukashenka up to its own trouble, does not know how to wash off the shame. Neither do Europeans know what to do with him. But deep down the main responsibility of getting rid of this regime is on us, the Belarusians”, - Paviel Sieviaryniec concluded.

We would remind that on 26 July Lukashenka said about the detention of an agent of Belarusian special services, who had worked for foreign states via the representatives of the Catholic Church.

The special service agent, the ruler specified, “did not only provide information, but due to his activities people suffered, who worked abroad”. In some time it became known that priest Vladislav Lazar had been detained. He is charged with passing money to a “spy”.

Commentator Aliaksandr Krasnapeutsau

Passing the buck

Prices for petrol, vodka and utilities are growing in Belarus and the authorities are looking for whom to blame for the crisis.

Economic problems are piling up in Belarus day after day. Bright evidence to that is a sharp price growth in utility tariffs within the past few weeks. They country’s leadership is being reproached for shifting the problems of providing budget incomes onto the citizens and attempting to blame Belarusians for their own economic miscalculations instead of approaching the situation in its complexity and trying to resolve it, the Novye Izvestiya reports.

Petrol went up in price in Belarus at the beginning of September. This happened because the excise duty on car types petrol has grown by 45% and by 70% - on diesel fuel. Before that fuel had become expensive in the country on 16 January this year and no plans had been scheduled on raising the prices. Several weeks after the petrol vodka became more expensive. Apart from that it turned out that utility tariffs would be gradually growing. According to government’s plans, they should comprise 15% of the average basket of goods. They are now at the level of 7-8%.

Everyone from the heads of executive committees to Lukashenka advised Belarusians to live within their means after the crisis of 2011. Country’s economic agencies even calculated how to do that: operational efficiency should not surpass the salary growth. But the successful year of 2012 gave economic optimism to the Belarusian leadership again, and the authorities started speaking of an average salary not of $500, like before, but of $1000. However in 2013 the country has faced economic problems again – foreign trade balance has gone negative, with the decrease in the potassium fertilizers market a decrease in budget incomes is expected. In addition to that Russia threatens to ban Belarusian dairy products from its market. Together with the external problems an internal one has aggravated: the salary growth has again surpassed the labour productivity. Speaking simpler, Belarusians get more than the economy earns.

An acute problem that the country is facing is the outflow of working force. According to consulting agencies, 1-1.3 million Belarusians went to work in Russia only last year, which is a third of the employable population. Naturally, if the salary goes down in the country, the flow of labour migrants will increase. The government suggested to stop the migration in several ways: introduce a tax on being jobless, impose higher utility tariffs, higher education and health care fees on the citizens, not working for the national economy.

Belarus’ Ministry of Internal Affairs even tried to identify such people by visiting apartments in rounds. When all these measures failed to be implemented in practice, the authorities concluded that such workers should be deprived of a pension. According to Lukashenka’s recent decree, only those Belarusians can now claim the minimal pension, who have worked no less than 10 year in the country making the required payments into the social security fund. Previously 5 years were enough for that.

If, according to the government, motorists were guilty of the 2011 crises, who purchased cheap cars in Europe before the introduction of higher tax duties, then now everyone who goes abroad and takes foreign currency out is to blame.

The worst are the ones who prefer buying cheap clothes, footwear, perfumes in Lithuania and Poland. Back in summer it was Belarus’ Prime Minister Mikhail Miasnikovich who took offence for Belarusians not wanting to buy domestic goods, but spending billions abroad instead. Last Friday Lukashenka suggested a very simple solution to the problem: to make people going abroad pay $100. Indeed, you can have both – smaller queues at the border and higher budget incomes.

Commentator Aliaksandr Krasnapeutsau

European carrot for a monster

Lukashenka’s power is under a threat, and the European Union should not save Europe’s last dictator.

“I was released from one prison into another, a bigger one”, - a youth leader Dzmitry Dashkievich said, having left the place of his imprisonment last week.

It may seem that the number of political prisoners in Belarus has started decreasing. However, political prisoners are not being released by the order of the dictator, but because the terms of their imprisonments expired. On 28 August Dzmitry Dashkievich was released, Aliaksandr Frantskievich was released in a few days after that. The freedom is very relative – after the release they will be under police supervision and may be sent to prison again any moment. This already happened with other oppositionists.

It is important to remember that Dashkievich did not simply spent his prison term in full, but was held in custody for a year longer than the initial sentence for not recognizing himself guilty and “bad behavior” behind bars. Like many other political prisoners, in prison he underwent physical and psychological pressure and was kept in inhuman conditions. Over ten political prisoners remain in Belarus in such conditions, including a former presidential candidate Mikalaj Statkievich and the leader of the human rights movement Ales Bialiatski. Last month the list of political prisoners grew longer by two sentenced opposition activists, detained priest and a psychiatrist, who criticized the authorities.

However, even in these conditions the lobbyists of the Lukashenka regime are able to speak with European politicians of “good will” on the part of the regime. Actually, it could have been much worse: they could have not released Dashkievich, but add another additional prison term for him. And yes, another political prisoner Hajdukou was not sentenced to 8 years in prison, like the prosecutor had initially demanded, but “only” to a year. The ruler of Belarus is very kind!

But let’s leave the sarcasm alone: there are 185 names in the list of political prisoner for the 20 years of the regime’s existence. And at least four disappeared political opponents. And hundreds of thousands of the people, who left the country because of political persecution. And complete absence of investigations of human rights violations, a stable atmosphere of impunity, the continuation of repressions.

For all these 20 years with regular periodicity the EU offered the Lukashenka regime different carrots for engaging him into the “European orbit”. The monster swallowed these carrots, asked for more, and took new hostages in the meanwhile in order to exchange them for another portion of carrots. That is why one cannot but be surprised by the naivety, or rather cynicism of those European and Belarusian politicians and experts, who are now suggesting the expansion of economic cooperation and renewal of the political dialogue with Belarus without the release and exoneration of all the political prisoners and the start of systematic democratic changes.

These lobbyists are again referring to the necessity of having a dialogue and the usefulness of the carrot policy. They are again using the argument that if the EU made steps towards Lukashenka, “the political prisoners could probably be soon released”. Because there allegedly were some misty promises of that on the part of the dictator. This compromising position is a total contradiction to the demands of Lukashenka’s principled opponents, including the political prisoners, remaining in custody.

The voting on a report on the EU’s policy towards Belarus (Paletskis’ report), scheduled for this week, clearly reflects this tension between the principled and compromising positions. After multiple discussions and introduction of amendments by the parliament’s Foreign Committee there are indirect and even direct recommendations of broadening the economic cooperation with Belarus left in the report’s draft. At the same time there have been no positive changes in the country. This report, in its essence, declares the EU’s position on Belarus. If it is supported by the European Parliament like it is, it will be an approving signal to the dictatorial regime and a discouraging signal to those, who are fighting for democracy and the rule of law in Belarus.

In Europe they still do not want to learn the lesson of the twenty years: Lukashenka is not capable of sticking to an agreement. His representatives may give cloudy promises, he may act like he is interest in a partnership, but any agreement will be broken. This happened multiple times. A fine example of that was the very fresh story of the “potassium war” with Russia and the arrest of a Russian businessman Vladislav Baumgartner, who came to Minsk by the Prime-Minister’s invitation. Lukashenka decided to use the practice that he has long and successfully used in the Western front – taking hostages – for forcing a Russian company Uralkali to cancel its decision to withdraw from the joint cartel with a Belarusian partner.

It is not important how this story ends for Uralkali, it is important that it clearly shows how Lukashenka makes deals. He is able of biting any hand, even the one that feeds him and provides for his wellbeing. In this case this means oil, gas and loans from Russia. This, by the way, completely disproves the argument of the lobbyists (and the regime itself) that Belarus “will go to Russia” in the case the West increases pressure on Lukashenka.

It is surprising, but Europe has still not realized the difference between the approach to business in the EU and Belarus. There is no independent business in Belarus – it is completely controlled by the regime and the system that Lukashenka’s family has built. It is exactly the dictator who in the end decides, who can and who cannot do business in Belarus. A foreign investor, coming to Belarus, is measured in the same way – it is Lukashenka, who decides everything.

Moreover, foreign business is considered a regime’s leverage of influence on the EU policy. We saw the examples of such successful influence through business connections in 2011, when the enterprises of an oligarch Jury Chyzh from Lukashenka’s entourage had EU sanctions lifted. This was done with the help of Latvia. Separating the pragmatics of economic cooperation from a political dialogue in words, Lukashenka skillfully ties them together in practice.

However the regime’s difficult economic situation and Russia’s tough position led to the situation, when Lukashenka has nowhere to go for help apart from the EU – for new loans and the expansion of trade. The threat of not being able to last until the 2015 presidential elections becomes real for Lukashenka.

A lot now depends on whether the possible economic carrot from the EU becomes a buoy for the regime that is unwilling to change. Or instead of exchanging “positive” signals the EU, including the European Parliament, presents the regime in distress with an ultimatum – “change or drown”. The European Union instead of trying to broaden the economic cooperation and “improve the relations” with the regime should make it change and implement reforms, which will ensure a democratic, successful European future for Belarus. It is hard to imagine a better time for putting forward tough demands, than now.

Calling economic cooperation a carrot for the regime, inviting European business to deal with Belarus the EU should understand: entering economic relations with the Lukashenka regime European business is responsible for financial and political consolidation of the dictatorial regime, the continuation of repressions and the fate of political prisoners. Moreover, it risks its own assets, its people and its reputation.

Commentator Aliaksandr Krasnapeutsau

The Arguments&Facts: There will be no Lukashenka in 2015

The Belarusian ruler has brought the country to the verge of economic collapse, the Russian media reports.

The arrest of Russian Uralkali corporation’s director general Vladislav Baumgartner has again put Belarus on the verge of economic collapse (already third in the last 4 years after the collapses of 2009 and 2011), and the president’s rating – under the threat of falling to the historical low, after which he will not be able to get elected in 2015, the president of a Russian research center Political Analytics writes in The Arguments&Facts newspaper.

Lukashenka’s supporters often speak of some “economic miracle” and “innovation miracle” that “Lukashenka’s model” showed. In reality it is not Lukashenka’s economy, but his false statistics and aggressive propaganda that show miracles.

Although, these “indicators” fall into pieces once compared to the production figures in actual values, which are constant at any prices. Thus, Lukashenka’s statistics says that the GDP allegedly reached 193% in 2012 as compared to the level of 1990, but any economy’s main indicator – energy production – dropped from 39.5 billion kw-hr in 1990 to 30.8 billion kw-hr in 2012, i.e. only comprises 78% of the 1990 level.

Lukashenka’s tightrope walking statistics draw the industrial output numbers for 2012 at the level of 258% against 1990. There is nothing even close to that in natural values: the main article of Belarusian exports – oil processing – dropped from 39.422 million tons in 1990 to 21.667 in 2012, i.e. only comprises 55% of the 1990 level.

Belarusian number 2 exports good – mineral fertilizers (almost exclusively potassium) – was produced in the amount of 6.7 million tons in 1988, and in 2013 the output is only expected to be at the level of 5.3 million tons or 79% of the top Soviet levels.

The same situation is there in the construction and investment sphere: Lukashenka’s statistics speaks of alleged 224% against the level of 1990, the natural values though show a completely different situation: 5.650 square meters of accommodation were built in 1989 and 4.487 – in 2012 or 79% against the 1989 level.

If in 2009 Aliaksandr Lukashenka managed to not let his electoral rating drop, then in 2010-2011 he did exactly the opposite: Lukashenka provoked an unexpectedly strong response reaction of Russian authorities, which replaced too preferential 50% discount on gas, oil and oil products prices with higher prices closer to the market ones (which grew in early 2011 in addition to that).

As the result Belarus’ trade balance deficiency in goods grew in the 1st quarter of 2011 from 1.2 to 3 billion USD (90% of which accounted for the trade with Russia), serious foreign currency deficiency emerged in Belarus, which went even stronger after Russian TV’s critical reports.

The consequence of that was a landsliding exchange rate of Belarusian rouble against United States dollar, which dropped by 3 times. The prices grew at almost the same rate and Belarusian population became respectively poorer.

As the result, Lukashenka’s rating dropped to 20.5% in September 2011, according to the IICEPS, having become the lowest in the whole 17-year history of Lukashenka rating’s measurements. Lukashenka, of course, panicked after that and agreed to sell Beltransgaz to “evil Russian oligarchs” even cheaper than the price he used to call too low and extortionate before the economic collapse.

Having obtained Beltransgaz, Russian first decreased the oil price for Belarus in early 2012 by 10% and the gas price by 28%. The actual discount was even higher, because the market oil and prices grew again by 10-20%.

In general, Russia started again selling oil roughly 45% cheaper to Belarus, and gas – 50% cheaper than the world market prices. At the same time in late 2012 - early 2013 Russia decreased the oil and gas prices for Belarus by 3-5% again. As the result the trade balance stopped showing a loss and started showing profit instead. The situation in the economy started improving, salaries and pensions started reaching the pre-collapse level.

Now Lukashenka’s economy started going out of order again: whereas in the first half year of 2012 Belarus had a positive trade balance (exports were higher than imports) of 1.9 billion USD, then in the first half year of 2013 it was replaced by a negative trade balance of 1.7 billion of an increasing character: in the first quarter imports exceeded exports by 0.6 billion and in the second quarter – already by 1.1 billion. The exports of Belarusian goods dropped from 25.3 in the first half a year in 2012 to 19.2 billion in the first half of year of 2013 or by 24%. Even Lukashenka’s artful statistics is compelled to show the industrial output decrease by 6-10% in May-July and the GDP decrease by 0.5% in the second quarter (against the same periods in 2012) – the real decrease is, of course, higher.

This time, it seems, the 2011 scenario will repeat, when the “harmless war game” led to serious economic sanctions on the part of Russia, the result of which was the collapse of Belarusian rouble’s exchange rate and Lukashenka’s rating by 3 times alike.

At first the flabby conflict of Lukashenka and Uralkali also led to a noticeable drop in potassium fertilizers prices, which are the second most significant article of Belarusian exports after oil products (7%), and in Belarusian budget incomes (10%): if last year Belarusian manufacturers used to sell it for 742 USD for a ton, than this year – for 638, while the Chinese have a big discount – down to 593 dollars.

After Lukashenka’s conflict with Uralkali analysts started speaking of the price dropping down to 270-300 dollars! Rospotrebnadzor started speaking of a ban on the imports of Belarusian dairy products (6% of all Belarusian exports, 75-80% of which goes to Russia), Rosselkhoznadzor mentioned a ban on Belarusian meat (3% of Belarusian exports, 96-97% foes to Russia). Finally, Transneft claimed that oil shipments to Belarus would be decreased by 25%, whereas oil products exports account for 34% of whole Belarusian exports! It seems this is only the beginning: statements demanding the release of Uralkali’s head were made by Russian MFA, Ministry of Economic Development, Administration of the President of the Russian Federation.

One may only guess what a huge loss the Belarusian economy will suffer, when the Kremlin turns on all the possible “punishment measures” in response to Lukashenka’s actions against Uralkali. For example the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation does not yet refuse from providing Belarus with another loan of 440 million dollars, but it could: Belarus’ current debt has reached 16 billion dollars, and the country is hardly capable of paying it back…

After all the “influence measures” on the part of Russia Belarus’ growing negative trade balance will only grow harder. This will inevitably lead to the collapse of the national currency and, as a consequence, another impoverishment of Belarus’ population, which will lead to Lukashenka’s rating falling down to a new historical low of 10-15%, after which it will be impossible to be restored to anything above 25% by 2015 presidential elections. And this will mean an inevitable defeat.

Commentator Aliaksandr Krasnapeutsau

Lukashenko about devaluation, potassium and Myasnikovich's retired

The governor went to the factory "Motovelo" and made a number of loud statements.

President Alexander Lukashenko calls for increased efforts to boost exports, including potash.

"There are places where they are read to buy our products. You must reach these places and sell there,” he said when visiting OAO Motovelo on 6 September.

Alexander Lukashenko demands efficient work from the government officials and an inflow of foreign exchange into the country. He said that no artificial conditions, including the devaluation of the Belarusian ruble, will be created. “There will be no devaluation of the Belarusian ruble to suit production sector needs,” the President said.

“Your direct duty is to trade. What is the problem? We have our representatives (ambassadors) in 50 countries, even more. Take and sell potash fertilizers which, by the way, you have started to do today,” the President said. “Everyone should work to their level best. Today Deputy Foreign Ministers circle the globe together with representatives of Belarusian Potash Company seeking contacts in order to overcome the crisis,” Alexander Lukashenko noted.

The head of state also touched upon the Belaruskali sale issue. “They say why he does not sell Belaruskali? One should be an idiot to sell the company at its bottom price,” the President said.

Lukashenko has promised to dismiss government officials and company chiefs for failure to meet inventory clearance and production growth targets by 1 January 2014.

“If you fail to do what you promised by 1 January, neither Semashko nor company chiefs will keep their jobs. We will also assess the actions of the Premier. He might follow them hand in hand. I just have no other choice,” the head of state said.

Commentator Aliaksandr Krasnapeutsau

FIDH: Dashkevich's release is not sign of improving situation

Dashkevich's release is not sign of improving situation in Belarus, says international rights organization.

The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) warned in its August 30 statement that the release of opposition activist Zmitser Dashkevich could not be regarded as a sign of an improving human rights situation in Belarus. "The international community must not be misled. The release of Zmitser Dashkevich does not reflect any improvement of the human rights situation in the country," said FIDH President Karim Lahidji. According to the FIDH president, 11 political prisoners remain behind bars in Belarus. "Human rights defenders, journalists, and activists are continuously harassed by the regime. In this context, the recent EU suspension of the visa ban on the Belarusian Foreign Minister Vladimir Makei [Uladzimir Makey] can just find no justification," he stressed. The FIDH called on the Belarusian authorities to restore Mr. Dashkevich's civil and political rights and release all of the remaining political prisoners. "We further call on the EU to take such decisions of Aleksander Lukashenko [Alyaksandr Lukashenka] for what they actually are and not to be further deceived by the siren song of the regime," warned the FIDH president.

Commentator Aliaksandr Krasnapeutsau

We will remember you, Aleh

It is three years today since charter97.org web-site’s founder Aleh Biabienin died.

These were three endless years. Having clenched our teeth, we covered the electoral campaign, then ended up in prisons, then were compelled to go to emigration. Today we keep working, but the events of that day 3 September 2010 will always stay in the memory.

Aleh’s worried wife called me in the morning. He did not spend the night at home. He did not come to the office either, although at 7 a.m. he would usually be at his working place. We started calling acquaintances, then hospitals, police stations… No results. In the end, Aleh’s brother and his friends Andrei Sannikov, Dzmitry Bandarenka, Fiodar Pauliuchenka and Aliaksandr Atroshchankau went to the summer house. They found Aleh there…

I remember, when Aliaksandr Atroshchankau called me and told everything, I almost bit through my own hand in order not to scream. Then came a storm of phone calls from journalists. One of them, a reporter of Russia TV channel Andrei Kachura called from Moscow and said “Natasha, tell me it is not true”. More than anything else in the world I wanted then to tell him: “Yes, Andrei, it is not true”.

Aleh was found in a noose, made of a child hammock’s rope. He was not hanging, he was practically on his knees. The skin on finger knuckles was scratched, everything in the summer house was in perfect order. Nothing was scattered, everything cleaned and washed. There were two bottles of Belarusian Balsam demonstratively standing in the corner. A connoisseur of good alcohol, he would even disdain take a taste of that.

Later, already in morgue friends will see scratches and bruises on his body. But the investigation would not be interested in that. Aleh will be fast buried, and the version of a murder for professional reasons will not even be considered. Even a criminal case will not be started. The official verdict – suicide.

It did not matter that this person loved his wife, son and life. On the day before he was going to go to a cinema with friends, made appointements with colleagues for a week ahead, agreed to be one of the managers on Andrei Sannikov’s electoral campaign, who by that time had already announced his intention to run for president.

The case was quickly hushed up, including by the efforts of some Western ambassadors, who invited so-called OSCE experts to Minsk. European bureaucrats, suspecting nothing, spoke with prosecutor office’s employees, studied the official investigation’s materials and returned the same verdict as the law enforcement agencies, controlled by the authorities. At that time a “dialogue” of the West and Lukashenka was going ad nothing, even a murder of a journalist, should not cloud this process.

I remember as journalists, politicians, human rights activists approached me at the funeral and they all said the same: “If anything, keep in mind that I am not going to commit suicide…” Everyone, who knew Aleh well, did not believe in the official investigation’s version.

Everyone was scared. The way Aleh was killed showed that the authorities could not only kidnap and kill their opponents, like it happened with Viktar Hanchar, Jury Zakharanka, Anatol Krasouski, Dzmitry Zavadski. In the period of a “dialogue” with the West they would kill slier, masking murders as suicides, car crushes, accidents.

With Aleh’s murder the authorities tried to reach several goals: the death of one of the managers of Sannikov’s team was supposed to scare his supporters and those, who were going to join Lukashenka’s rival electoral campaign. This was also supposed to scare journalists of independent media, having shown them the limits, which the charter97.org web-site constantly violated, publishing revealing articles, despite criminal case had been started against it and the editorial office raided.

In three months, when I was in KGB jail, Ihar Shunievich, who is now the Minister of Internal Affairs, personally confessed to me during a night interrogation, that Aleh was killed. “We are considering the version, that his murder was beneficial for some foreign countries for destabilizing the situation before the elections”, - the general then said with an air of importance.

No other state, apart from Belarus, did not benefit from Aleh’s murder on the eve of the elections. But the fact remains a fact – the head of KGB’s corruption and organized crime department, future Minister of Interior confessed that the journalist was killed.

It only seems that KGBsts are marvelous psychologists. They can also be observed and respective conclusions can be made. From time to time during interrogations the prison’s head, colonel Arlou, made a slips of the tongue saying that the murders of politicians and journalists was not KGB’s did, but the one of “other agencies”, which actually confirmed the fact that “death squads” existed in the country and eliminated people by the order from someone “above”.

You can surprise no one in today’s Belarus with that. All the law enforcement agencies are submitted to a single grouping led by Lukashenka and his son Viktar. They are just servants. If someone is murdered, their task is to close their eyes and conceal all traces of a crime. If there is an order to arrest someone, they do.

Today it is quite funny to read the analysis of KGB’s legal complaints on Uralkali’s director general Vladislav Baumgartner. KGB does not have any complaint on him! There is a political order to take a hostage. All the rest is the matter of technicalities, which has been practiced very well on political rivals.

In a criminal state it is the lawfulness and kingpin’s will that rule. Europeans and Russian alike should have long understood that instead of trying to bargain, please or reform someone, who have long crossed all the moral borders.

Today all the world’s attention is on Assad, who is killing hundreds thousands fellow citizens. Lukashenka, who has been murdering people much more quietly for 20 year with no missies and chemical weapons, keeps nicely existing in the shadow.

It hurts that not many remember Aleh today, even colleagues. Aleh Biabienin was not just a journalist, he was a wonderful father, loyal friend, loved his family, his cause and fought for his country. He lost his life.

We will remember you, Aleh.

Commentator Aliaksandr Krasnapeutsau